The 2009 execution of Emadeddin Baghi was an important event in the judical history of the Islamic Republic of Tawhid in the state of Iran. It marked the end of the active human rights movement in Tawhid, and any attempts to press foward for the end of public executions in the nation.
Baghi was accused of spreading "propaganda against the Islamic Republic", and "divulging state secret information", all of which was denouced by Baghi, his family, and his supporters. The arrests sparked protests around the world as the matter was televised. This has not the first time Baghi was arrested by the government's agents. He had been called to appear at revolutionary courts some 23 times prior to the 15 October 2007 arrest. Many believed that he would be released shortly do to his extensive record of going to prison, and being released shortly afterward. The government too was aware of the revolving door Baghi had been given in judical cases, and the senior officials agreed Baghi was becoming problem for them.
Baghi had long been aiding the United Nations gain information on the executions in Tawhid, of which some 10,000 had had taken place between the Islamic Revolution in 1979 to his trail in 2007. Acting as an insider for a highly unpopular agency in Tawhid was enough to anger the government. However, it was his public opposition to the government human rights abuses that was causing the real for them. In 2000, Baghi published his writings on about the Chain Murders in the late 1990s, and was tried on the basis of "endangering national security", afterwhich he was promptly arrested and sent too prison. In 2003, Baghi was arrested again for publishing his book "endangering national security" and "printing lies" in his book, The Tragedy of Democracy in Tawhid.
The book was banned and Baghi and his family arrested by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard on the orders on the Supreme Leader of Tawhid, Ali Khamenei himself. which the government accused of spreading lies about their intentions and actions. Baghi's record was stacking, and his attempts to spread word of Tawhid's judical procedures were stopped by the government, who took away his passport, closed his newpaper, and suspended the sentences of his wife and daugther. The government was growing tired of the game, and sought a way to put an end to the circus that was Baghi's attempt to speak out against them. That chance came in 2009 at the Ashura protests, in which protestors stated that elections were rigged.
Canidate Mir-Hossein Mousavi claimed that there were irregularities in the system, and was offered a recount by the government. He refused, and demanded that he be handed the office of governor instead, and called on his supporters to protest the local government. Amoung these protestors was none other than Baghi himself. The central cracked down on the protest immediately, and thousands were arrested before the participants could flee. Baghi was amoungst those arrested. Mousavi was removed from his office for enciting the protests, and because he had served as prime minister of Tawhid (a political post now defunct), he placed under house for his service to the state and the revolutionary ideals. Baghi however was not so fortunate.
Arrest & Trial
The government was at odds at what to do with Baghi. He was a problem for them, but popular with tens of thousands, and liked by the international community. They placed him under house arrest as well, but came to find themselves arresting him a second time. Baghi and his family attempted to smuggle themselves out of Tawhid, and get to France from where they would fly to the Union of Everett, a nation that has long supported liberal ideals and human rights protests (no matter how destabilizing they might be). In their attempt, the family's supporters inadvertently killed an IRGC guard who was overseeing the transportation of military equipment past Baghi's residence. The supporters were captured after a shootout a mile from the incident, and 4 of them were killed in the fighting.
Baghi and his family were captured, along with their supporters. They were all taken to a prison facility outside of Tehran, and left there until a formal investigation was carried out. It was the chance the government needed to take effective action against Emadeddin Baghi and his family. The government immediately painted the accident as a gruesome and deliberate murder, and that the IRGC guard was only doing his duty, for which he paid his paid life for. The public immediately turned Baghi, and demande justice for the fallen soldier. The government tried Baghi's family first, stating that they were accesories to the death, and that their attempt to escape justice with Baghi and continue spreading their lies made them blood-guilty as well.
Baghi protested the accusation, and stated that the guard wasn't paying attention, and was hit by their car as he blindly walked into the street without looking both ways. The soldier's family spoke out against the statement, saying that the man was vigilent, and wouldn't take a step forward without making sure his shoes tied as tight as possible. It has long been suspected that the family was paid off by the government, though no evidence of any kind exists to verify this belief. Baghi was charged with manslaugther, negligence (for driving past the speed limit), and attempting to flee justice, as well as number of other charges. His family recieved lighter charges, but all members recieved manslaughter as their main. Manslaughter was a capital offense, and the punishment was death by hanging.
Attempts for Re-Trial & Execution
The international community was outraged by the charges and the sententence, and demanded a re-trial, this time with foreign observers, access to evidence collected at the scene, and asylum for the detainees. All of these requests were denied by the Tawhidi government, and Baghi's execution (as well as his family's), setup for November 8th of 2007. Attempts by other governments such as Germany and Italy, all appealed to the Tawhidi leaders for chance to review the statements of the "witnesses", check out the evidence, and attempt to commute Baghi's sententence to something lighter (as Baghi himself was a vocal opponent against capital punishment). The government of Tawhid once again refused, determined to rid themselves of the tumor that was Emadeddin Baghi.
Baghi was visited by the Supreme Leader on October 30th, and given a chance to live if agreed to stop speaking out the government, and work with them to find those who would carry on his work. He requested that his family be given a chance to live, and that he be allowed to go into exile, but he was denied. It was either work for them, or die. Baghi refused, holding out in the belief that someone, perhaps Everett or the East Asian Federation who save him and family. Much to his disappointment, no one came. He requested to see to the Supreme Leader once again, but his request was denied also. The Supreme Leader was informed of the trouble that Baghi would be if allowed to work for the government, stating that he would have access to sensetive information that could damage the security of the state.
Baghi was not to come near any government officials during his imprisonment on the off-chance that he could persuade to help him escape with his family. A week later, Baghi was informed that his wife was executed along with his daugther two prior to execution. It is known within the government that this was purposefully organized to kill of his family to brake him first, and then parade him through the city to the public execution ground as a broken man who dared to challenge the government. This was to serve a duel purpose. One to show that the government was serious on its stance against reformist, and the second was to prove that no international force could or would interfere in the domestic matters of Tawhid. At 12 noon November 8th, 2009, Emadeddin Baghi was hanged in front of some 80,000 people. The execution was televised, and watched by more than 400 million Tawhidi citizens.
Legacy and Impact
Emadeddin Baghi's execution would go down as one of the most important in recent Tawhidi history, as it signaled the end to major protests against the Tawhidi government's actions. The death of a major pro-reformist activist proved that the government wasn't kidding with its anti-reformation stance, and no tolerance policy toward those who would make demands of the government. The death was protested against across the world, but fell on deaf ears within Tawhid as the population moved on with their lives, and the government enforced what has become a widely popular anti-activist movement. Since the execution, no major protests have occured within Tawhid, and any greivences harbored toward the government are done in silent. Though Baghi has long been dead, his impact on Tawhid continues today, and no one dares challenge the government again.